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LONDON (Reuters) - Britain’s armed forces could administer 100,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccine a day if required, helping immunise millions of vulnerable people before the spring, Defence Secretary Ben Wallace said on Thursday.


Wallace said he had already authorised 130 military planners and personnel to work with the health service on ramping up the vaccine rollout, and more staff could be used to administer the vaccine itself.

“I’ve also got plans for up to 250 teams of mobile medically-trained personnel who could go out and administer the vaccine around the country - that would be over 100,000 a day they could potentially deliver if that is requested by the NHS (National Health Service),” he told Times Radio.

Britain approved a vaccine developed by Oxford University and AstraZeneca on Wednesday, and will start using it on Monday in addition to the Pfizer-BioNtech vaccine already in use.

Writer's pictureThatch Editorial

Germany has banned the sale of fireworks for this New Year's Eve. Might this be a chance to look for more sustainable alternatives to pyrotechnics?


First developed in China more than a thousand years ago, fireworks have since become an integral part of celebrations all over the world. From New Year's Eve festivities, to US Independence Day and Diwali in India, many events have become almost synoymous with the spark and spectacle of mini explosions lighting up the night sky.

But as awareness of climate and environmental issues grows, the impact of these pyrotechnic light shows is inching into a spotlight of its own. Made of harmful plastics and chemical compounds, fireworks don't only cause ground pollution, but can seriously affect the quality of the air we breathe.

The real impact of fireworks

In November, concern over excessive air pollution during the coronavirus pandemic prompted several Indian states and the capital of New Delhi which has one of the worst smog problems in the world to ban fireworks from this year's Diwali festival.

Often known as the festival of lights, Diwali is a five-day celebration observed by Hindus, Jains and Sikhs that ends in large firework displays.



Many revellers defied the ban. On the final day of the festival, the India Air Quality Index (AQI) recorded "severe" fine particulate matter (PM2.5) levels of 481 in the capital. The index has a maximum rating of 500.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), "PM2.5 can penetrate the lung barrier and enter the blood system. Chronic exposure to particles contributes to the risk of developing cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, as well as of lung cancer."

In Germany, a recent Federal Environmental Agency report said over 2,000 tons of particulate matter are added to the atmosphere every year by fireworks. Of that, 75% is generated on December 31st, when the skies and pavements become a canvas for bangers and rockets let off at will on any and every street corner.

Contributors to pollution

Jürgen Resch, leader of the German environmental group the Deutsche Umwelthilfe (DUH), has long been campaigning for stricter firework legislation. Though estimates on levels of greenhouse gas emissions generated during the country's annual festivities vary, Resch explained that the problem goes beyond air pollution.

"In Germany, we see 10,000 tonnes of plastic and hazardous waste caused by fireworks left lying around after New Year's Eve every year," he said.

Georg Alef from leading German fireworks manufacturer Weco is quick to point out that there is no such thing as a climate-neutral firework. But he says modern technology has made a difference to their environmental impact, and that his company is working to make its products more eco-friendly.

"There is a combustion and as with every combustion, reactions produce something into the air. Our products are not free of fine particles," he said.

"But then there is the question of the use of heavy metals or heavy metal compounds such as lead, mercury, chrome and so on. These are all natural components, which were perhaps still used in parts in the last century. But today they are banned."

Alef claims Weco has gone further than many other firework manufacturers: for example by trialling compostable fibres in their rockets and using batteries that are partly made of plant-based materials. By 2021, they hope to be able to replace the plastic caps of rockets with a version made from recycled paper. Nitrogen-based rather than carbon-based fireworks are also produced by some companies.

Weco says one issue slowing down progress is that biodegradable materials are both more expensive than regular firework parts and not yet widely available. There's also the issue of safety. It can take years for new firework components to be properly tested.

"We can't use every (eco-friendly) component, especially when it comes to security concerns," Alef said. "And if you want to have complete zero emissions, then the only way is to get rid of fireworks entirely."


Laser shows are sometimes used in tandem with firework displays

Drone shows and laser shows

In South Korea, a drone show was used as an alternative to a fireworks display as a symbol of hope in the pandemic

"That is an appealing thought for the likes of Resch.

Why do we have to celebrate events by firing rockets and letting off explosions in this primitive way?" he said.

And there are alternatives. In South Korea, where fireworks usage is largely limited to official events, drone shows have gained traction in recent years, often producing brilliant and beautiful results.

The German city of Landshut, where fireworks have been banned at New Year's Eve for several years, has become renowned for its impressive laser light shows. And in the Irish capital Dublin, previous years have been welcomed in with a mixture of traditional pyrotechnics and laser shows.

While Alef believes fireworks are an important part of German culture and an "artform" that must be preserved, Resch hopes the pandemic will offer a chance for firework-loving countries to embrace more environmentally-friendly alternatives.


Source: DW

Within a year of being elected leader of the Conservative party, David Cameron made clear the importance with which he viewed Anglo-Indian relations: “I attach the highest priority to Britain’s relationship with India. For too long, the politics of this country has been obsessed with Europe and America.” That he meant business was underscored by the 2010 Tory general election manifesto which promised a “new special relationship with India”.

The British head of state Queen Elizabeth ratified an “enhanced partnership” with India in her speech at the opening of parliament. Cameron, now prime minister, rushed to Delhi, where India endorsed the idea, but did not really execute it. The emergence of the British Gujaratis’ favourite Narendra Modi to power in 2014 revived hopes in Whitehall, but he, too, disappointed.

Then, not entirely unexpectedly, Boris Johnson received a phone call from Modi wherein, according to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, they “agreed that there was tremendous potential for enhancing collaboration”. Downing Street corroborated: “The Prime Minister stressed the importance of improving bilateral trade and investment flows”. Modi also invited Johnson to be the chief guest at India’s Republic Day celebrations on 26 January – a singular honour in Indian diplomatic parlance and not accorded to any British premier other than John Major in 1993.

Modinomics had progressively wrecked a once booming Indian economy even before coronavirus revealed its ugly face. In an interview last week, the head of emerging markets at J P Morgan Dr Jahangir Aziz forecast: “Six quarters from now India’s GDP will still be about 7 per cent below the pre-pandemic path.” Besides, Chinese troops breached Indian territory in May and are yet to retreat behind what was respected as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between the two countries. They also killed 20 Indian soldiers in a barbaric duel between the two sides.


Boris Johnson plays cricket during a 2017 visit to Kolkata

The consequent sharp decrease in New Delhi’s trust in Beijing has naturally impacted on mutual trade, which accounted for around 20 per cent of India’s external commerce. Since relations with the United States, Germany, France, Russia and Japan have followed a relatively rising trajectory, Britain was among the few untapped economic and strategic options remaining for India to tackle the unravelling China situation.

Kevin McCole, managing director of UK India Business Council, said the planned Anglo-Indian Enhanced Trade Partnership (ETP) – expected to be announced during Johnson’s visit – will set out “a roadmap to an FTA (free trade agreement)”. He disclosed the ETP would cover “tariffs, trade in goods and services and investment”. Sources close to the negotiations indicated lowering of duties on export of Scotch whisky (now at 150 per cent) and Indian textiles are on the cards.

McCole underlined: “In a digital world, where goods supply chains are increasingly regional rather than global, it is clear that IP-rich innovations, technology transfer and digital services are going to drive the future trading partnership between the UK and India.” In other words, an FTA between the two nations is at best a few years away. India and the European Union have been wrangling over such a treaty for 13 years without appreciable advance.

McCole further cautioned: “It’s important to recognise that the UK-India trade and investment relationship will not all be plain sailing… There remains some concern that Atmanirbhar Bharat (or Modi’s import substitution policy labelled self-reliant India) could lead to protectionist measures”.

But the common concern over China could turbo-charge defence cooperation. Modi’s preferred approach has been government-to-government transactions. Rahul Roy-Chowdhury, senior fellow for South Asia at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, remarked: “The UK does not, as yet, have such a framework for arms sales, relying instead on commercial-led transactions.” He added a draft agreement to correct this is on the anvil and “deliverable during Johnson’s trip”.

A British Aerospace & Defence Industry Group highlighted as “key campaigns” Indian requirements of multi-role combat aircraft, light combat aircraft, a joint venture submarine project and a second Indian-made aircraft carrier and partnerships with Indian public sector undertakings. A memo flagged as “sensitive” distributed by the UK’s Foreign and Development Office this month also alerted British defence manufacturers on leasing opportunities along the lines of Russia contracting out six nuclear-powered submarines for 10 years for a tidy $3 billion.

Britain, too, has been stung by China disregarding its commitment to maintain Hong Kong’s non-communist system for 50 years after the 1997 handover by centralising administration of justice in the island. Johnson informed Modi Britain’s new aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth with two anti-aircraft destroyers and an equal number of anti-submarine frigates will set sail for the Indo-Pacific in its maiden voyage in spring and perhaps rendezvous with the Indian Navy for an annual joint exercise that is due. As No. 10 put it, this “re-emphasised the UK’s commitment” to the region. An exchange of intelligence, which the UK denies to India on Pakistan, is on the drawing board. It would be a demonstration of resistance to China, which under President Xi Jinping, has reincarnated Maoist hostility towards the world with an economic and military might Mao Zedong never possessed.

In the event the new variant of Covid-19 postpones the Delhi summit, the envisioned alliance will still proceed. Johnson and Modi, though, have established a track record of promising plenty and furnishing a famine. Neither the British nor the Indian people can afford such under-achievement.


Source: Spectator


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